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Roel Meijer Salafism and the Challenge of Modern Politics A Comparison between ISIS and the Al-Nour Party I. Introduction This essay will deal with two issues, the first of which is the political dimension of Salafism. One of the main questions concerning Islam is its political dimension. To what extent is Islam political and how should we define political? The usual argument is that Islam does not recognise the difference between politics and religion. In the Failure of Political Islam Oliver Roy rejects political Islam’s claims to provide political solutions.1 The brief definition of politics I will adopt here is to solve problems by means of reaching consensus peacefully with one’s opponents.2 This view of politics allows little room for religion, for religion is based on normative rules, exclusion, and the salvation of a specific chosen group, not on solving complex political issues. As Nathan Brown, Amr Hamzawy and Marina Ottaway remarked politics is based on a certain sense of relativity, while religion is based on absolute values,3 excluding processes such as political learning, which is usually seen as a way towards greater openness, moderation, and acceptance of pluralism.4 One way to resolve this problem is make religious political parties more independent from their movements, allowing the movements or religious institutions to uphold their absolute values and allowing political parties to base their programs on vague, abstract religious norms that provide enough room to make compromises.5 With Salafism the problem of 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 16 politics is especially tricky, because its quietist current – according to Quintan Wiktorowicz’ typology still the largest category of Salafism – rejects not only overt political participation, leaving it to the worldly powers, but also gives politics little thought.6 As long as the ruler is a Muslim, competent, upholds the sharia, defends the lands of Islam (dār al-islām), and allows proselytization (daʿwa), political interference is limited to discrete advice (naṣīḥa) by recognised scholars (ʿulamā’) and his power is unlimited. The main purpose of life is to live according to the rules of the sharia and the purpose of Salafi daʿwa is to purify Islamic doctrine and practice. Its second largest current, political Salafism, emerged after members of the Muslim Brotherhood migrated to Saudi Arabia in the 1950’s and a mixture of Brotherhood ideology and Salafism created the “politico” Salafism.7 For the first time, a modern politics took shape in the sense that political measures, structures, and rulers were subjected to critique based on criteria of the “common good” as opposed to the interests of the ruling elite and special interests. Corruption was condemned not because it was against Islamic injunctions, but because it undermined the trust between citizens and state. The third current, Jihadi Salafism, is usually considered to be political, but this is not true according to the definition used above. Jihad against the ruler according to Jihadi Salafis is allowed only when he becomes an “unbeliever”, not because he is unjust. Although the two can go together – the ruler becomes des- Roy, The Failure of Political Islam 1994. Mouffe, The Return of the Political, 1993, 6. Brown, Hamzawy and Ottaway, Islamist Movements and the Democratic Process in the Arab World: Exploring the Grey Zones, 2006. Wickham, Strategy and Learning in the Formation of Egypt’s Wasat Party, 2004. Wegner, Islamist Moderation without Democratization: The Coming of Age of the Moroccan Party of Justice and Development?, 2009; Brown, Hamzawy and Ottaway, Islamist Movements, 2006. For the relation between Salafism and politics, see also Meijer, Introduction, 2009. For the classic analysis of the division of these categories, see Wiktorowicz, Anatomy of the Salafist Movement, 2006. ORIENT II/ 2016 Salafism and the Challenge of Modern Politics pot (ṭāghūt) because he is unjust – politics and religion are confused because opponents are condemned on religious rather than political grounds. The killings in Paris, for instance, were not justified on the grounds of discrimination, the French principle of laïcité, or even the bombings in Syria, all of which are political arguments. The main reason was that French nonMuslims were “unbelievers” (kuffār, sing. kāfir). It is especially the complex and ambiguous relationship between politics and religion that makes Salafism so difficult to understand. This becomes even harder when it adopts a modern totalitarian ideological vision,8 claiming a truth that completely rejects the existence of politics as a separate field where religious doctrines are held at bay and concessions can be made on pragmatic grounds. Religion in this case trumps politics. It is this totalitarian temptation that makes Salafism so attractive to European youth. Their anger, frustration, search for recognition and claims to superiority are resolved in the utopian dream of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). In this capacity ISIS represents the supreme paradox: While it claims to be the ultimate religious, it has become the absolute political in its consequences. Its origins are traceable not so much to Islam itself but to the dire circumstances in which ISIS was born. like other totalitarian denials of politics such as leninism and Nazism, which emerged from the destruction of the First World War, ISIS sprang from the womb of the Syrian and Iraqi conflagration and Sunni humiliation. The other issue is that of modernity. Salafism claims to represent the most authentic version of Islam, standing the closest to the origins of Islam as the most “orthodox”. This reading is followed by most researchers who often start their research by tracing the doctrine of Salafism to “the pious forefathers” (al-salaf al- 8 9 sāliḥ). The same occurs with ISIS. Comparisons are made with Islamic law and the earlier Islamic states and how the concepts and practices of ISIS are based on the examples of medieval forerunners.9 The introduction of commanding good and forbidding evil (al-amr wal-maʿrūf wa-l-nahī ʿan al-munkar, also called ḥisba) and loyalty to Muslims and disavowal of non-Muslims (al-walā’ wa-l-barā’) as well as maẓālim and sharia courts seems to support ISIS’ claims to authenticity. likewise, its use of such terms as subjects (raʿaya), iniquity (ẓulm), and accountability (musā’ala) are indications of its close following of the Sharia. But here the claim to authenticity suffers from the same paradox as its denial of the political: ISIS’ claims to the ultimate authentic become those to the absolute modern. This essay will argue that Salafism when it emerges as a political movement has great difficulty in coming up with a political terminology simply because there is very little political theory in Islam. Turning original Islamic concepts, precepts, and practices into modern means of political control changes their character fundamentally. The Al-Nour Party in Egypt is confronted with the same problem but has chosen a completely different path to solve it. Rather than pulling “orthodox” concepts into the forefront and giving them a modern meaning, it has adopted the modern political discourse of rights, which to a large degree is alien to Salafism. Both ISIS and the Al-Nour Party are modern because they derive from modern circumstances and therefore try to find modern answers to modern political problems, especially in the relations among citizens and between citizens and the state. The Al-Nour Party emerged in the wake of the Arab Uprisings and was forced to become a modern party and speak the language of political parties in a constitutional setting; ISIS emerged after the collapse of the Iraqi and Syrian Ba‘ath regimes and had to build a lauzière, The Making of Salafism: Islamic Reform in the Twentieth Century, 2016, 121, 164, and especially 201; Haykal, On the Nature of Salafi Thought and Action, 2009, 47. March and Revkin, Caliphate of Law: ISIS’ Ground Rules, 2015. ORIENT II/ 2016 17 Roel Meijer modern state on the ruins of pan-Arabism, an endeavour that has really very little to do with the ancient caliphate of Abbasids. The problem they both face, ISIS more than Al-Nour Party, is that they are hampered by their lack of modern political terminology and concepts. They are faced with the option to turn Salafism into a political ideology or adopt a democratic notion of politics. Neither sits well with the Salafism as a religious doctrine. II. ISIS: Classic terminology for a modern state Since ISIS was proclaimed in 2014 much information has been gathered on its strategies, politics, ideology, and structure. Its rise has been all the more fascinating as for the first time in modern history a caliphate is being erected before our very eyes. However, is this an Islamic caliphate based on Islamic law or is it a modern state based on the most modern means of control, surveillance, and mobilisation? Pre-modern empires had little control over their populations, who were incorporated into its boundaries with the retention of their own laws, local customs, ethnic identity, hierarchies, languages and religions. Not for nothing has the Ottoman Empire been called the “empire of difference”.10 Only in its modern successor states, which were nation-states, did the state really become powerful enough to impose a unity of language, religion, ethnicity, and ideological mobilisation. These attempts were not always successful, but not for lack of trying. The Iraqi Ba’ath regime, described by Kanan Makiya as the “republic of fear”,11 was notorious for its attempts to impose a unified Sunni state that discriminated against Shi‘is and Kurds. It has been called Stalinist for its attempt to acquire total control over its population and instil terror. In the 1980’s and 1990’s, the centralised regime collapsed and degenerated into a patrimonial regime based on cooptation, patronage, and clientelism. ISIS is in its totalitarian claims a true successor to the Ba’ath regime and it is no coincidence that some of its leaders are Ba’athists.12 The Islamic terminology resembles more closely a modern dictatorship.13 Due to the systematisation and standardisation of Salafi method (manhaj) and the reduction of the creed (ʿaqīda) to a simple set of beliefs, they should not be considered a “method” and a “creed” but rather be translated as a modern disciplinary mechanism and ideology. The classic sounding names such as the Office of Accounting for Right and Wrong (dīwān al-ḥisba), the Office of Religious Endowments, Da’wa and Mosques (dīwān al-awqāf, al-daʿwa wa-l-masājid) are modern forms of control, shored up by the regular police and the religious police.14 For instance, the term “muḥāsiba” (supervision) is known since the Middle Ages, when the muḥtasib exerted control of the prices in the market place. In ISIS, muḥāsiba has the function of controlling prices but at the same time has immeasurably expanded its jurisdiction. Control is exerted over minute details of daily life such as clothing for men and women, appearance (beards), regulation of daily practices through prayers (shop opening), games that are allowed or not allowed, cleanliness, compulsory prayers, parking tickets, internet use, cell phones, and travel regulations for men and women.15 Punishments are propagated and inflicted publicly in order to make Barkey, Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective, 2008. Khalil (Makiya), Republic of Fear: The Inside Story of Saddam’s Iraq, 1989. 12 Weiss and Hassan, ISIS: Inside the Army of Terror, 2015, xv, 126. 13 For analysis of ISIS as a state, see McCants, The ISIS Apocalypse: The History, Strategy, and Doomsday Vision of the Islamic State, 2015, 89, 93, 96. 14 See for documents or specimen of ISIS the archive Aymenn Jawwad Al-Tamimi has compiled: Al-Tamimi, Archive of Islamic State Administrative Documents, 2015. 15 See for example, Specimen 1N: Establishment of Virtue and Vice Committee (Islamic Court) in Fallujah, January 2014; Specimen E: Prayer Times in Deir az-Zor City (Diwan al-Awqaf wa al-Da’wa wa al-Masajid); AlTamimi, Archive of Islamic State administrative documents, 2015. 10 11 18 ORIENT II/ 2016 Salafism and the Challenge of Modern Politics examples.16 Some of these practices are common in Saudi Arabia but are limited to public life and do not infringe upon one’s honour and privacy.17 That surveillance and discipline rather than just piety are the issue is clear from the demonstrative punishments that are meted out to shopkeepers, teachers who do not teach what is required, women who do not dress properly, and men who do not follow regulations. Control and punishment are not just for infringements but also for thought. For instance, the Office of Religious Endowments, Da‘wa and Mosques has the function of “deterring the people from falsehood”, “correcting insubordination and putting them on the path of obedience, and returning the people to the straight path of God.”18 Special “qualification sessions” (dawrāt al-ta’hiliyya), completed with a “qualification document” (wathīqat al-ta’hala), bring to mind communist re-education centres.19 The role of repentance (tawba) seems to underline the doctrinaire character of ISIS. Here as well the comparison can be made with a totalitarian state such as the USSR under Stalin and the political trials in the 1930’s during which people would “repent” and utter faked “self-accusation” of collaboration with the enemy. The establishment of special “repentance centres” (marākiz al-istitāba) where all who “deviate” repent their “sins” is unprecedented and has the purpose of acquir- ing mind control. 20 The campaign for repentance that singles out teachers underlines the attempt of the state not just to discipline them but also then to impose its own Salafi curriculum and train the next generation of indoctrinated citizens. Teachers have the task “to polish minds, refine souls, implant virtues, and tear out vices”.21 It is true that the state encourages “subjects” (raʿaya) to complain and stand up for equal rights with fighters, for instance, but given the spread of fear and control this could easily be interpreted as a way to discover signs of dissidence rather than search for justice and equality. The hierarchy, the lack of rights and protection, and the absence of lawyers and an independent judiciary would deter any sensible person from making complaints. The caliphate of fear is further deepened by the dichotomous character of the in- and out-group that is typical of modern totalitarian states. There is no other example of a historical or modern Muslim state adopting the doctrine of al-walā’ wa-lbarā’ (loyalty to Muslims and disavowal of non-Muslims) as a means of creating the distinction between friends and enemies. As the neighbouring Arab countries are also considered to belong to the dār al-kufr22 (Abode of Unbelief) and subjects of the caliphate who take refuge in those countries are immediately stripped of their possessions and their faith,23 transgressing this boundary is tantamount to treason. As the Ba’ath had done before, ISIS Specimen 1C: list of hudud punishments (Aleppo Province); Specimen 1D: Introduction of death penalty for blasphemy (Jarabulus area: September 2013), Al-Tamimi, Archive of Islamic State administrative documents, 2015. 17 Cook, Forbidding Wrong in Islam: An Introduction, 2003. 18 Specimen 6A: Warning against violating fast in Ramadan5 Ramadan 1436 AH, Al-Tamimi, Archive of Islamic State administrative documents, 2015. 19 Specimen 3A: Training Session for Teachers (Aleppo Province, May 2014); Specimen 3V: Repentance confirmation document (Deir az-Zor Province), Al-Tamimi, Archive of Islamic State administrative documents, 2015. 20 Specimen 6Q: New Conditions for Repentance, Fallujah (c. late 2014); Specimen Z: Call for Repentance of Teachers (Ninawa Province, December 2014); Specimen 1B: Invitation to Repentance (Euphrates Province, 8 January 2015); Specimen 1V: Call for repentance of teachers in IS-controlled parts of Syria (February 2015); Specimen 3B: Repentance for Teachers et al., Manbij (Aleppo Province , April 2015); Specimen 3D: Repentance for Teachers et al. in al-Bab, (Aleppo Province , 9 April 2015)- [identical to 3B], Al-Tamimi, Archive of Islamic State administrative documents, 2015. 21 Al-Tamimi, Archive of Islamic State administrative documents, 2015. 22 Specimen 1Q: Friday sermon for Ninawa Province Mosques (February 2015); Specimen 1R: Friday sermon for Ninawa Province Mosques, Al-Tamimi, Archive of Islamic State administrative documents, 2015. 23 Specimen 5I. Ultimatum for Medical Professionals and Academics to Return to IS-held areas, Ninawa Province, May 2015, Al-Tamimi, Archive of Islamic State administrative documents, 2015. 16 ORIENT II/ 2016 19 Roel Meijer is trying to create a new unity and discipline based on a rigid ideology. The particular mixture of obedience (ṭāʿa), faith (imān), minute regulations, and terror, combined with the ultimate sacrifice in jihad as an individual obligation (fard ʿayn), provides the state with unprecedented means to create a new order and gives new meaning to term tawhīd (unity of God) as the unity of mind and body.24 This immediately brings out the weakness of ISIS. The heavy handed and clumsy terminology of Jihadi Salafism leaves little scope for modern politics, negotiations, compromises, and ways to channel power politics and the clash of interests that goes with it. Nationally, its ideological content and repressive practices leaves the population without rights versus the state; internationally it leaves it exposed. III. The Al-Nour Party: Modern terminology in defence of a classic doctrine The Al-Nour Party is a completely different story and demonstrates how political strategies are shaped by circumstances. Whereas ISIS is the result of war and the defeat of Sunni Islam in Iraq and Syria, the Al-Nour Party is the product of the Arab Uprisings and the demand for civil, political, social, and economic rights in Egypt.25 The Al-Nour Party was founded by the al-Da‘wat al-Salafiyya in Alexandria on 22 May 2011, a few months after the fall of Mubarak, when political parties were allowed to form freely without state restrictions. From the beginning it regarded itself as a party and distinguished itself by its adoption of modern terminology. In contrast to ISIS, the Al-Nour Party has no problems with claiming to speak in the name of “the people”, assigning them the modern term “citizens” (muwāṭinūn) instead of “subjects” (raʿaya), using the term “democracy”, and claiming rights. Its election programme has enumerated nine rights, all of which begin with the sentence “Society demands the right to…”, each of them a modern right, such as the right to accountability and oversight, to choose representatives, to protect livelihood and house, and to be protected against state repression. Its tasks are to preserve the identity (hawiyya) of Egypt as a “nation” (waṭan), guarantee “equal opportunities”, and defend the “basic rights” (al-ḥuqūq al-asāsiyya) and “general freedoms” (al-ḥurriyyāt al-ʿāmma) of citizens. It demands a division of power between the judiciary, legislative, and executive. In none of these remarks do originally Islamic terms such as muḥāṣiba (oversight) have classic Islamic political connotations but instead have the modern meaning of accountability.26 Although its programme has always been considered exceptionally Western,27 the election programme of 2015 barely differed from the one in 2011-12. This has raised the question whether the AlNour Party is a pragmatic party that works for the common good within the bounds of a political system and in this pursuit is willing to make concessions and form coalitions with other parties, or that works to defend its specific interests, which are limited by its ideology and its specific religious following. The first seems to be the case. The Al-Nour Party has been remarkably flexible and agile in making coalitions. It first tried to make a coalition with the Freedom and Justice Party of the Muslim Brotherhood, and when this failed it formed its own coalition of Salafi groups. During the presidential elections of May 2012 it first supported the candidacy of Muhammed Mursi but later switched its allegiance to Abd al-Mun‘aym Abu al-Futtuh, a liberal Islamist candidate. When he lost the first round it returned to Mursi, only to abandon him when he became unpopular. The arguments for these Specimen P: Affirmation of faith (al-Bab: Aleppo Province), May 2014, Al-Tamimi, Archive of Islamic State administrative documents, 2015. 25 See the anthology Meijer and Butenschon, The Crisis of Citizenship in the Arab World, forthcoming. 26 Al-Nour Party Programme (Barnamij Hizb al-Nur), http://hezbel-noor.blogspot.nl/. 27 lacroix, Sheikhs and Politicians: Inside the New Egyptian Salafism, 2012. 24 20 ORIENT II/ 2016 Salafism and the Challenge of Modern Politics changes in strategies were political and not ideological. The Brotherhood was accused of not wanting to share seats, trying to “Brotherise” state institutions, and making grave political mistakes. The Al-Nour Party, however, respected the law and considered President Mursi “legitimate” until very late in June 2013, just before the military coup, when it abandoned this position because the Brotherhood did not want to compromise. It worked together with the Brotherhood where they shared interests, such as the goal to acquire a majority in the parliamentary elections of 2011-2012 and then in drawing up the constitution in 2012 and assuring that it was in accordance with the Islamic “identity” (hawiyya) of Egypt. To underline its pragmatism, its spokesman Nadir Bakkar stated that the AlNour Party would work with any foreign government as long as it was in the interests of Egypt.28 made apparent on other occasions. Just after the military coup, it called for a new transitional period during which a government of neutral technocrats would guide the country to parliamentary elections.30 It also accused the military of acting against the will of the people and of “excluding” Islamists from the political arena when the public media turned against the mixing of religion and politics.31 On another occasion Muhammad Mahyun condemned the violence and unwarranted detention of prisoners by the regime.32 If the strategy of the Al-Nour Party was to take over the leadership of the Islamist movement from the Muslim Brotherhood under de aegis of the military, this failed. During the last elections in October 2015, it won 12 seats out of the 596; in the general elections of 2012 it had won 120 seats. The call to retreat from politics and return to da‘wa has become stronger. IV. Conclusion However, at some point the Salafi background caught up with its claim to represent the “will of the people.” While it could pretend to act in the name of the latter until July 2013, after its support for the military takeover this became increasingly difficult. The argument of its leader Muhammad Mahyun that it supported the military in order to avoid the spilling of “sacred Muslim blood” and act in the interests of Egypt by supporting “stability” and “security”, and preventing the “division” of society29 sounded increasingly hollow – as did its earlier claims of being the product of the 25 January Revolution and supporting the “rights of society” – against the background of the relentless repression of the Al-Sisi regime. In fact, these first arguments in support of the military are compatible with classic Salafism and the doctrine of walī al-amr that al-Da‘wat al-Salafiyya had followed under Mubarak. After the military takeover these arguments were no longer tenable, as the Al-Nour Party The examples of ISIS and the Al-Nour Party demonstrate how dependent the Salafi movement is on political circumstances. The huge divergence in ideas and practice is also explained by the complete lack of political theory within Islam in general and Salafism in particular. Hanbalism, one of the pillars of current day Salafism, had a strong tendency to shy away from politics and leave politics undefined, except for the general practice of the al-siyāsat al-sharʿiyya, which offers much room for the discretionary powers of the ruler. This vacuum of theory is manifested in both examples. In the case of ISIS it takes the form of making an ideology of the core tenets of current day Salafism: ḥisba, al-amr bi-l-maʿrūf wal-nahī ʿan al-munkar (commanding good and preventing evil, also called ḥisba), alwalā’ wa-l-barā’ (loyalty and disavowal), ṭā‘a (obedience), tawba (repentance), imān (faith), jihād, and fard ʿayn (personal obligation). Shamt, ḥizb al-nūr wa-l-mashhad al-siyāsī al-miṣrī, 2013. Dawoud, Al-Nour Party ‘Loyal to its Principles’, 2014. 30 Hussein, Al-Nour Party: Don’t Blame the Islamists fo the Mistakes of the Muslim Brotherhood, 2013. 31 El Bilad, Interview with Muhammad Masyun, 2013. 32 Amara, Al-Nour Party Head: Brotherhood Should Support New Constitution, 2014. 28 29 ORIENT II/ 2016 21 Roel Meijer These principles are turned into the pillars of a totalitarian system, reaching into the private lives of the citizens, and are used as disciplinary measures of control by the state, or caliphate. In the case of the Al-Nour Party, the reverse has happened. The vacuum of political theory has been filled by a democratic discourse of civil, political, social, and economic rights and a division of powers, which bear some resemblance to the classic Islamic political system but basically derive from Western political thought. However, both organisations ultimately run into political trouble: ISIS on account of its misuse of religious terms for an exclusivist and repressive political system, and the Al-Nour Party because it tries to revert to the classic idea of walī al-amr and obedience to the ruler while having legitimated itself as a democratic (but not liberal) party that derives its legitimacy from the people. These problems have arisen as a result of the forced politicisation of the Salafi movement after the Arab Uprisings, when for many Salafis it was no longer possible to remain quietist and many Sunnis were looking for an alternative political system.33 Reference list Al-TAMIMI, AYMENN JAWWAD, “Archive of Islamic State administrative documents,” 2015, http://www.aymennjawad.org/2015/01/archive-of-islamic-state-administrative-documents. AMARA, MUSTAFA, “Al-Nour Party Head: Brotherhood Should Support New Constitution,” Al Monitor, February 3, 2014, http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/politics/2014/02/interview-nour-party-headmakhioun-sisi-president.html#ixzz40p6glFft. BARKEY, KAREN, Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge: Cambrdige University Press, 2008). BROWN, NATHAN, Amr Hamzawy and Marina Ottaway, Islamist Movements and the Democratic Process in the Arab World: Exploring the Grey Zones, Carnegie Papers, No. 67, 2006. 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WIKTOROWICZ, QUINTAN, “An Anatomy of Salafist Movement,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 9 (3:2006), 207-239. All internet sources were accessed and verified on March 15, 2016. ORIENT II/ 2016 23