Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi
Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi
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Pundicity: Informed Opinion and Review
 

Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi's Blog

سرية الشهيد محمد عساني: وحدة من وحدات لواء الشهيد علي زين العابدين بري

ان قوات الدفاع المحلي المدعومة من قبل الجانب الإيراني والمقاومة الإسلامية (حزب الله) تقوم بدور مهم في مرابطة الجبهات في محافظة حلب. ومن ابرز تشكيلات الدفاع المحلي في حلب لواء الشهيد علي زين العابدين بري بقيادة جاسم بري والذي تكمن جذوره في آل بري الذين وقفوا الى جانب الحكومة السورية من بداية الاحداث. وقدم اللواء اكثر من ١٠٠ <شهيد> ويتكون من عدة سرايا منها سرية الشهيد محمد عساني. واكتب المقالة لمن لا يعرف السرية وأصلها.

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By أيمن جواد التميمي  |  Sun, April 18, 2021 8:08 PM  |  Permalink

Saryat al-Shaheed Muhammad Assani: Sub-Unit of Liwa al-Shaheed Ali Zain al-Abideen Berri

Liwa al-Shaheed Ali Zain al-Abideen Berri ('The brigade of the Martyr Ali Zain al-Abideen Berri') is a formation of the Local Defence Forces (LDF), which is supported by the Iranians and Hezbollah. The roots of Liwa al-Shaheed Ali Zain al-Abideen Berri (led principally by Jasim Berri) lie in the Berri clan, which has been known for its support for the Syrian government during the war. The formation consists of multiple sub-units, one of which is Saryat al-Shaheed Muhammad Assani ('The squadron of the Martyr Muhammad Assani'), named for Muhammad Abd al-Qadir Assani and part of the second brigade within Liwa al-Shaheed Ali Zain al-Abideen Berri.

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By Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi  |  Sun, April 18, 2021 7:52 PM  |  Permalink

The Covenant and Internal System of TEV-DEM (2018)

I have emphasised before the importance of understanding objectively the political and administrative system in the areas of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in northern and eastern Syria. One of the ways to obtain this understanding is through translation and overview of primary source documents.

The Democratic Society Movement (TEV-DEM) served as an umbrella for the coalition of parties in SDF-held areas, led by the Democratic Union Party (PYD). Some early TEV-DEM publications also outlined the internal system of units of governance such as the communes. However, changes to TEV-DEM's structure occurred after TEV-DEM's third congress in August 2018, which included the cancellation of TEV-DEM's political committee and as such the political parties no longer operate under it. Instead, TEV-DEM now serves as an umbrella for various non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in SDF-held areas, though TEV-DEM naturally maintains links with the PYD that continues to lead the political system in the SDF-held areas. It also remains tied to the Democratic Autonomous Administration that has been set up as the governing/administrative face for the SDF-held areas.

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By Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi  |  Sun, April 18, 2021 10:35 AM  |  Permalink

اساييش ايزيدخان

تشكل اساييش ايزيدخان قوات الأمن الداخلي التابعة لمجلس الإدارة الذاتية في منطقة سنجار وتم تأسيس اساييش ايزيدخان في عام ٢٠١٦ بعد تحرير منطقة سنجار من قبل وحدات مقاومة سنجار التي تشكلت في عام ٢٠١٤ دفاعاً عن الشعب الإيزيدي الذي تعرض لمحاولة إبادة جماعية على أيادي تنظيم داعش الإرهابي في ظل السياسة الخاطئة حيث انهزم الجيش العراقي في مناطق واسعة بنينوى وهربت البيشمركة التابعة للحزب الديمقراطي الكردستاني من منطقة سنجار. فقرر مجلس الإدارة الذاتية تشكيل وحدات مقاومة سنجار التي قاتلت وقدمت شهداء وحررت سنجار وأصبحت قوات النصر المبين. وبعد هذا تم تشكيل قوات اساييش ايزيدخان كقوة امن داخلي لحماية الناس وتوفير الامن والامان.

وتعمل وحدات مقاومة سنجار واساييش ايزيدخان مع الإدارة الذاتية التي تقدم خدمات عامة للسكان في المنطقة. ويستمر فهد حامد في دوره كقائممقام سنجار عملياً.

ولكن الحكومة المركزية في بغداد وحكومة إقليم كردستان توصلتا إلى إتفاق في الشهر العاشر من السنة الماضية . وينص الإتفاق على تنصيب قائممقام جديد في المنطقة وإنتشار قوات نظامية في سنجار من اجل إدارة الملف الأمني فيها. فإنتشرت قوات من الجيش العراقي والشرطة الإتحادية وإندمجت أجزاء من وحدات مقاومة سنجار في قوات الحشد الشعبي تحت إسم فوج ٨٠ (الحشد العشائري). ومع ان وحدات مقاومة سنجار انسحبت من بعض مواقعها بالتنسيق مع الجيش العراقي, طالب الجيش العراقي بإنسحابها من مواقع أخرى اضافة الى انسحاب قوات اساييش ايزيدخان من مواقعها وطبعا تأتي هذه المطالبة في سياق بند من بنود اتفاق سنجار ينص على إنهاء تواجد حزب البككة وتوابعه في المنطقة, الا ان وحدات مقاومة سنجار واساييش ايزيدخان تنفي اي ارتباط بحزب البككة او تبعية له.

ومن اجل نقاش الوضع الحالي في سنجار, اجريت مقابلة مع قيادي في اساييش ايزيدخان علي شنكالي.

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By أيمن جواد التميمي  |  Tue, April 6, 2021 6:54 PM  |  Permalink

The Asayish Izidkhan: Interview

The Asayish Izidkhan serves as the internal security force wing of the 'Autonomous Administration' in Sinjar and was set up in 2016 following the campaigns of the Sinjar Resistance Units, which is a prominent formation in the Sinjar area that emerged in 2014 as a defence force for the Yezidi population against the Islamic State's attempted genocide of the Yezidis. The Sinjar Resistance Units was set up by the 'Autonomous Administration' for the Sinjar area amid the errors by the prior authorities ruling over Sinjar and the absence of another viable force to protect the Yezidis, as the Iraqi army had been largely routed from large parts of Ninawa province and the Peshmerga affiliated with the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) had fled Sinjar.

After the liberation of Sinjar, the Asayish Izidkhan was set up as an internal security force to provide safety and security to the people of Sinjar. The Sinjar Resistance Units and the Asayish Izidkhan work alongside the 'Autonomous Administration' in the Sinjar area that provides services to the locals, while an individual called Fahad Hamid continues to serve as the de facto mayor of the Sinjar area.

However, an agreement signed between the government in Baghdad and the Kurdistan Regional Government last year is intended to appoint a new year and ensure the deployment of more regular government forces in Sinjar to manage local security. Forces from the Iraqi army and federal police have since deployed in the Sinjar area, and parts of the Sinjar Resistance Units' forces have been incorporated officially into the Hashd under the name of Regiment 80. While the Sinjar Resistance Units and withdrew from some of their positions in the Sinjar area and coordinated those moves with the Iraqi army, the Iraqi army has since made demands for the Sinjar Resistance Units to engage in further withdrawals from its positions as well as withdrawal of the Asayish Izidkhan from its positions. These demands come in the context of seeking to implement the clause of the Sinjar agreement that stipulates ending the presence of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and its affiliates in the area, though the Sinjar Resistance Units and Asayish Izidkhan deny a PKK connection/affiliation.

To discuss more the current situation in Sinjar, I conducted an interview with Ali Shengali, a commander in the Asayish Izidkhan

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By Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi  |  Tue, April 6, 2021 5:49 PM  |  Permalink

قوات صقور الصحراء: مقابلة

ان قوات صقور الصحراء بقيادة محمد جابر كانت من اهم القوات الرديفة للجيش العربي السوري خلال السنوات الأولى من الحرب في سوريا. اما القوات اليوم, فهي ليست موجودة على الأرض بشكل تشكيل له هوية خاصة وانما اندمجت في تشكيلات الفيلق الخامس. ومن اجل تسليط الضوء على انجازات قوات صقور الصحراء وتاريخها, اقدم لكم مقابلة أجريتها مع احد القياديين الميدانيين في قوات صقور الصحراء.

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By أيمن جواد التميمي  |  Tue, April 6, 2021 2:59 PM  |  Permalink

Suqur al-Sahara': Interview

Suqur al-Sahara' ('The Desert Hawks') emerged in the earlier years of the war in Syria as one of the most prominent auxiliary formations for the Syrian army. Led by Muhammad Jaber, the group fought on many fronts but no longer exists as a separate entity. Instead its forces have largely been incorporated into the Russian-backed V Corps.

To learn more about the history of Suqur al-Sahara', I interviewed a person who served as one of the field commanders in Suqur al-Sahara'. Any parenthetical insertions in square brackets are my own.

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By Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi  |  Tue, April 6, 2021 11:13 AM  |  Permalink

Islamic State Treatise on Issues and Rulings on Slavery and Slave-Women

The Islamic State produced multiple publications relating to slavery and slave-women within the context of its mass enslavement of Yezidi women in 2014. Its reasoning for producing multiple short publications on the matter is explained at the conclusion of the treatise that is the subject of this post: namely, that the subject of Islamic rulings on enslavement is very vast but knowledge of the subject has been absent from the Muslims' reality in modern times, therefore it is necessary to teach the topic in parts so that it can be properly understood and accepted.

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By Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi  |  Thu, April 1, 2021 9:06 PM  |  Permalink

Islamic State Question and Answer Pamphlet on Slavery and Slave-Women

One of the practices for which the Islamic State became most notorious was the enslavement of thousands of women at the height of its power. The firmly documented cases of this enslavement almost entirely come from the Yezidi minority, which the Islamic State attempted to wipe out in a genocide. The enslaved women could be kept for purposes of domestic servitude and satiating carnal lust, with or without their consent (effectively sanctioning rape).

The Islamic State also produced a considerable body of literature on enslavement. More than five ago I leaked online and translated a small book on the subject that was produced by the Research and Fatwa-Issuing Commission (later the Office of Research and Studies). The book's primary focus was arguing for the supposed benefits and permissibility of these practices of enslavement. The book was also included in a later compilation of the works of the Office of Research and Studies published by the Knowledge Heritage Foundation.

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By Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi  |  Tue, March 30, 2021 6:08 PM  |  Permalink

Islamic State Fatwas on Women and Jihad

Previously on this blog I have covered some of the fatwas that were issued on matters of zakat via the Islamic State's radio program of Idha'at al-Bayan. Here I compile an archive of the fatwas relating to women and their role in jihad (as well as a few fatwas on women's migration and pledging allegiance). There has been a controversy in the wider literature about how the Islamic State discourse characterises the role of women in jihad especially as regards combat matters. Hopefully this archive should provide further illumination on the matter.

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By Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi  |  Sun, March 28, 2021 10:06 AM  |  Permalink

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